The Derivation of Dative Alternations

Abstract

[EN]This paper argues for an updated version of the classical derivational approach to Double Object Constructions (DOCs) and parallel dative construction across languages. We extensively argue that the arguments to postulate a non-derivational approach to dative construction do not hold and that, in fact, such an approach runs into unsolvable problems. We argue that the structural alternation is triggered by Preposition (applicative) incorporation and Case/Agreement-relational considerations. We maintain a unified analysis of dative and PP constructions at the level of argument structure, while deriving the structural and Case differences as a consequence of the incorporation of P and its modification of the Case requirements. Combined with a non-symmetric theory of Case, this approach yields the right results for most of the properties traditionally associated to dative constructions. An obvious advantage of our approach with respect to both classical transformational approaches and polysemy analyses, is that it can account in a neat way for the “mixed” behavior of the applied and the second objects in dative constructions with regard to “direct object”-hood, without the need for any stipulative move, completely separating Case relations from argument structure.