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dc.contributor.authorMoreno del Río, Carmelo
dc.date.accessioned2020-04-01T18:07:16Z
dc.date.available2020-04-01T18:07:16Z
dc.date.issued2019-12-31
dc.identifier.citationGenealogy 4(1) : (2020) // Article ID 7es_ES
dc.identifier.issn2313-5778
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10810/42570
dc.description.abstractTo analyse the Spanish national question requires considering the relationship between the idea of the nation and the phenomenon of nationalism on one side, and the question of political plurality on the other. The approval of the Constitutional text 40 years ago was achieved thanks to a delicate semantic balancing act concerning the concept of nation, whose interpretation remains open. Academic studies of public opinion, such as the famous Linz-Moreno Question—also known as Moreno Question—that measures the possible mixture of Spanish subjective national identity, are equally the object of wide controversy. The extent to which political plurinationality is a suitable concept for defining the country is not clear because, amongst other reasons, the political consequences that might derive from adopting the concept are unknown. This article sets out the thesis that Spain is a plurinational labyrinth since there is neither consensus nor are there discursive strategies that might help in forming an image of the country in national terms. The paradox of this labyrinth is that, since the approval of the Constitution in 1978, the political actors have accepted that nationality in Spain is insoluble without taking the plurinational idea into account. But, at the same time, it is not easy to assume such plurinationality in practical terms because the political cost to those actors that openly defend national plurality is very high. For this reason, political discourses in Spain on the national question offer a highly ambiguous scenario, where the actors seek windows of opportunity and are reluctant to take risks in order to solve this puzzle situation. The aim of this paper is to analyse which indicators are most efficient for testing how the different actors position themselves facing the phenomenon of the Spanish plurinational labyrinth. The clearest examples are what we refer to here as the concepts of (i) intersubjective national identity and (ii) plurinational governments.es_ES
dc.language.isoenges_ES
dc.publisherMDPIes_ES
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesses_ES
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/es/
dc.subjectplurinationalityes_ES
dc.subjectSpaines_ES
dc.subjectnationalismes_ES
dc.subjectautonomyes_ES
dc.subjectintersubjective national identityes_ES
dc.titleThe Spanish Plurinational Labyrinth. Practical Reasons for Criticising the Nationalist Bias of Others While Ignoring One’s Own Nationalist Positiones_ES
dc.typeinfo:eu-repo/semantics/articlees_ES
dc.date.updated2020-03-27T14:53:30Z
dc.rights.holder© 2019 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)es_ES
dc.relation.publisherversionhttps://www.mdpi.com/2313-5778/4/1/7es_ES
dc.identifier.doi10.3390/genealogy4010007
dc.departamentoesCiencia política y de la administración
dc.departamentoeuPolitika eta administrazio zientzia


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© 2019 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)
Except where otherwise noted, this item's license is described as © 2019 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)