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dc.contributor.authorArtiagoitia Beaskoetxea, Xabier ORCID
dc.date.accessioned2024-04-30T16:53:46Z
dc.date.available2024-04-30T16:53:46Z
dc.date.issued2023-07-07
dc.identifier.citationRoczniki Humanistyczne 71, special nº 11, 13-41es_ES
dc.identifier.issn0035-7707
dc.identifier.issn2544-5200
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10810/66962
dc.description.abstractThis article shows that Basque has a few suffixes (-era, -keta, -pen) which give rise to the type of eventive nominals described in the literature (Grimshaw; Picallo; Alexiadou, Functional Structure). Nominals headed by these suffixes are passive-like (cf. Alexiadou, Functional Structure), obligatorily take genitive arguments and are mostly restricted to unaccusative and transitive predicates, but have a very limited eventive reading: they do not take adverbial modification (aspectual modification is realised through adjectives) and adpositional phrases show up with the functional linker -ko, typical of nominal structures (de Rijk, “Basque Hospitality”). A peculiar feature of Basque is that the external argument has genitive case, just like the internal argument; this double genitive structure suggests that Basque has a neutralised case system at the nominal level. On the other hand, Basque has nominalised clauses which admit all kinds of adverbial and PP modification, as well as regular subject case-marking (be it ergative or absolutive); this type of nominalised clauses may have an eventive reading. I propose that Basque nominalised clauses have the structure DP-TP-(NegP)-AspP-VoicePvP- root. For derived event nominals, I claim that Basque only projects up to VoiceP, with the nominaliser selecting a Voice head with a [-external argument] feature (Alexiadou, “Ergativity”). The selection of an unsaturated VoiceP forces the external argument of the root to be projected at the nominal level (Bruening): DP-PossP-NumP-ClassP-nP[ext. argument]-Voice[-ext. arg.]P-vP-Root. Basque grammar resorts to structural case-checking by the head Possesor (de Wit), which attracts all the DPs in its c-commanding domain and creates a multiple-specifier configuration of the kind defended in Richards. The rest of the features displayed by derived event nominals follow from the limited number of verbal functional projections available.es_ES
dc.language.isoenges_ES
dc.publisherUniversity of Lublines_ES
dc.relationinfo:eu-repo/grantAgreement/MICU/PGC2018-100686-B-I00es_ES
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesses_ES
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/es/*
dc.subjectbasquees_ES
dc.subjectderived nominales_ES
dc.subjectfunctional heades_ES
dc.subjecteventes_ES
dc.subjectnominalisationes_ES
dc.titleFunctional Heads and eventive nominals: the Basque perspectivees_ES
dc.typeinfo:eu-repo/semantics/articlees_ES
dc.rights.holder© 2023 The Learned Society of the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin & The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Faculty of Humanities licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 Internationales_ES
dc.relation.publisherversionhttps://doi.org/10.18290/rh237111-1ses_ES
dc.identifier.doi10.18290/rh237111-1s
dc.departamentoesLingüística y estudios vascoses_ES
dc.departamentoeuHizkuntzalaritza eta euskal ikasketakes_ES


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© 2023 The Learned Society of the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin & The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Faculty of Humanities licensed under a Creative Commons  Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
Except where otherwise noted, this item's license is described as © 2023 The Learned Society of the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin & The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Faculty of Humanities licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International